Lawrence v. Texas: Freedom for What?


By Mary S. Meade
Special to the Herald
(From the issue of 7/10/03)

In its ruling in Lawrence v. Texas, the Supreme Court repeats one of the silliest, self-serving quotes from American judicial history, made infamous in Planned Parenthood v. Casey: "At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life." In the tradition that case, the Lawrence opinion, written by Justice Anthony Kennedy, continues a defense of "liberty" which dodges the meaning and purpose of human freedom.

At issue is a Texas law unevenly directed at homosexual, not heterosexual, sodomy. The law passed through proper process of the Texas legislature, yet did not provide for equal treatment. The men subjected to the law did not allege improper notice or unfair opportunities to defend themselves. Thus, it seemed a clear violation of the Constitution’s Equal Protection clause. Yet, had the Supreme Court properly nullified the law based on unequal protection, the citizens of Texas would have retained the opportunity to correct the law.

Instead the Court wanted to preclude all states from realizing this legislative right. Kennedy admits: "Were we to hold the statute invalid under the Equal Protection Clause some might question whether a prohibition would be valid if drawn differently, say, to prohibit the conduct both between same-sex and different-sex participants." So the opinion forces a broader assertion that homosexual sodomy is "protected conduct."

With no constitutional support for such "protected conduct," the majority resorts to the Due Process clause, wherein no one can be deprived of life, liberty or property without adequate notice, proper procedures and a fair opportunity to respond. Yet the Court fails to call homosexual sodomy a "fundamental right" and fails to subject the Texas law to the necessary testing rigors of "strict scrutiny" required by a long line of cases.

Had the Lawrence case turned out otherwise, how would public reaction differ? Justice Kennedy pronounced the two homosexuals who brought the case "are entitled to respect for their private lives." Imagine an opposite statement by the majority: "The petitioners are entitled to be disrespected for their private lives." The imagined outcome is as outlandish as the actual one not because one outlook is more popular or progressive. Rather, Supreme Court jurisdiction exists to test the constitutionality of laws drafted by a free society. It does not entail a right to create law when a case clashes with a justice’s personal opinion.

The citizens of a locale, through properly elected state legislatures, have the right to formulate laws within their state boundaries. Thus a variety of state laws, after due debate, impose moral restrictions on personal freedom, in effect stating: Thou shalt not steal, murder, rape, commit bigamy or incest, etc. A citizenry can vote out lawmakers for legislating stupidly or improperly. It has no such voting right regarding justices since the Supreme Court was not given the power to legislate. The authority of the justices is limited to upholding or overturning laws which substantively or in application fail on constitutional grounds.

The personal preferences of the justices are as irrelevant as those of the two petitioners in this case. Yet the five majority justices could not transcend personal views on homosexual conduct. We are a nation of laws. Judges are not meant to act on individual sentiment. Built into the Constitution is the tenet that unwise laws would eventually be corrected by the voters. Even Justice O’Connor, who agreed with the majority’s result, but disagreed with the reasoning, noted "the Constitution presumes that even improvident decisions will eventually be rectified by the democratic processes."

Lawrence defines a new sort of constitutional freedom of association to engage in homosexual conduct. It also neuters states that seek "to control a personal relationship that, whether or not entitled to formal recognition in the law, is within the liberty of persons to choose without being punished as criminals." In a telling comment, the opinion also notes: "As the Constitution endures, persons in every generation can invoke its principles in their own search for greater freedom." In short, bring on the cases! No "personal relationship" of consenting adults should be deprived of any freedom.

What case will be next? Incest, bigamy, homosexual marriages, sadomasochistic conduct, and so on, all fit within the scope of this extraordinary opinion which follows a line of thinking about freedom and "privacy" that spawned Roe v. Wade. The Lawrence opinion is another generated by judicially undisciplined justices whose personal morals are outraged by a citizenry with a differing sense of morality.

Freedom was not created by America. The gift of human freedom, not of human making, is not to be "dispensed" as a commodity by judges. Freedom has long been recognized as an endowment of man’s creator, whether he is called Yahweh, Jesus Christ, Allah, or some other name. Man is created free for a purpose, so that he might willingly choose to do good and avoid evil. Only within the meaning and purpose of liberty does man find the fullness of human action. Freedom is not meant for personal human distortion. There is a greater goal. The natural law within guides the search for goodness as man disciplines self for greater things.

Freedom is properly the subject of human meditation and Texas undertook this discussion and came up with a faulty law. But at least Texans were dialoguing how best to fulfill freedom’s endowment. The Supreme Court has now removed that dialogue as a right for Texas or any other state on this issue, thus treating freedom as something arbitrary or accidental in the human make-up. What is freedom’s purpose but to enable us better to enter into free speech and democratic laws designed to promote the common good? The goal is not freedom at any cost, or freedom to do anything. As James Madison noted in his Federalist Papers, "If men were angels, no government would be necessary."

Meade is co-founder of the Marriage & Family Recovery Programs.

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